f course， that they would require no aid in conceiving and maturing the measures which the circumstances of the country might require. and it is preposterous to suppose that a thought could for a moment have been entertained that the president， placed at the capital， in the center of the country， could better understand the wants and wishes of the people than their own immediate representatives， who spend a part of every year among them， living with them， often laboring with them， and bound to them by the triple tie of interest， duty， and affection. to assist or control congress， then， in its ordinary legislation could not， i conceive， have been the motive for conferring the veto power on the president. this argument acquires additional force from the fact of its never having been thus used by the first six presidents——and two of them were members of the convention， one presiding over its deliberations and the other bearing a larger share in consummating the labors of that august body than any other person. but if bills were never returned to congress by either of the presidents above referred to upon the ground of their being inexpedient or not as well adapted as they might be to the wants of the people， the veto was applied upon that of want of conformity to the constitution or because errors had been committed from a too hasty enactment.
there is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle， which had probably more influence in recommending it to the con
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